Nate White On Trump

• Nate White Writer From England
• Nate White British Author

It is actually Nate White. See below updates) My sister forwarded me an email that had gone viral after a Quora commenter asked the question ”Why Do British People NOT Like Trump?”. Feb 15, 2019  Nate White, very well done. I begin to dislike the likes of trump less and less.white people can't be expected to constantly apologize what for what has been done in their history.each day some fascist afghan or syrian murders a German and the left says nothing.these are real real reasons why people vote so called populists.the shameless.

Nathaniel ('Nate') Ridgway White was an award-winning journalist known for his business and financial reporting at The Christian Science Monitor. He received the second and third Gerald Loeb Awards for Newspapers, the most prestigious award for business journalism.

Early life[edit]

White was born on March 10, 1910,^[1] in Ohio to John S. and Grace R. White.^[2]

He graduated with a bachelor's degree from Southwestern Presbyterian University in 1931.^[3][4]

Career[edit]

White joined the Falmouth Outlook in Falmouth, Kentucky, in 1932 and rose to the position of editor.^[5][6] In 1936, he shared third prize for Best Editorial in a Kentucky daily newspaper from the Kentucky Press Association.^[7]

He moved to Boston in 1937 to be a radio news writer for the The Christian Science Monitor.^[5][4] He was the Monitor'sSan Francisco correspondent in the early 1940s.^[8]

White served as a navy officer during World War II from 1942 to 1945.^[8]

After the war, he was the director of information for the Committee for Economic Development from 1948 to 1955,^[8][9] then returned to The Christian Science Monitor as the business and finance editor.^[8] He wrote a weekly column called 'Trend of the Economy.'^[8] While at the Monitor, he received two Gerald Loeb Awards for Newspapers: first in 1959 for a series of articles on the problems of recession and recovery,^[10] and again in 1960 for a series titled 'Horizons Unlimited: Freedom's Answers.'^[11] He was a finalist for the 1961 Pulitzer Prize for International Reporting.^[12]

In 1958, he hosted and moderated American Issues, an 18-part television series of 15-minue debates on economic issues produced by WNET and distributed by National Educational Television.^[13]

White became the editor of the American Banker in 1962.^[14]

Religious activities[edit]

White became a Christian Scientist in 1927 and received his primary class instruction in 1932.^[4] He became a public practitioner of Christian Science in 1963.^[4][15] He held various positions in branch churches, including First Reader and chairman of the executive board.^[4]

He began serving on the The Christian Science Board of Lectureship in 1969,^[4] and made a number of lecture tours around the country throughout the 1970s.^[15][16][17]

Personal life[edit]

White was married to Mary Carolyn Lowndes White.^[18][19]

He died in Palm Beach, Florida on April 25, 1984,^[20] and is buried in Glenwood Cemetery in Flint, Michigan.^[1] His wife, Mary, died in 2000 and is buried near her husband.^[19]

References[edit]

1. ^ ^ab'Find A Grave Index,' database, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:QVG8-T9D4 : 13 December 2015), Nathaniel Ridgway White, 1984; Burial, Flint, Genesee, Michigan, United States of America, Glenwood Cemetery; citing record ID 118288345, Find a Grave, http://www.findagrave.com.
2. ^'United States Census, 1910,' database with images, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:MLNJ-DXG : accessed 23 February 2019), Nathaniel R White in household of John S White, Union, Brown, Ohio, United States; citing enumeration district (ED) ED 23, sheet 4A, family 86, NARA microfilm publication T624 (Washington D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, 1982), roll 1157; FHL microfilm 1,375,170.
3. ^'Class of 1931'(PDF). Southwestern News. XIX (6). July 1957. p. 7. Retrieved February 21, 2019.
4. ^ ^abcdef'Notices'. Christian Science Sentinel. 71 (28). July 12, 1969. Retrieved February 22, 2019.
5. ^ ^ab'White called to Boston'. The Cincinnati Enquirer. XCVIL (90) (Kentucky ed.). July 7, 1937. p. 10. Retrieved February 23, 2019.
6. ^'Column Right!'. The Dayton Herald. LVIII (133) (Home ed.). July 4, 1937. p. 18. Retrieved February 23, 2019.
7. ^'Gracean Pedley's Lyon County Herald has best editorial in state weeklies'. The Owensboro Messenger. 62 (119). Associated Press. June 12, 1936. p. 4. Retrieved February 23, 2019.
8. ^ ^abcdeCanham, Erwin D. (1958). Commitment to Freedom: The Story of The Christian Science Monitor. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. pp. 276, 327–8, 337. LCCN58-9055.
9. ^LaBorde, Adras (February 1, 1954). 'Talk of the Town'. Alexandria Daily Town Talk. LXXI (275) (Home Final ed.). p. 6. Retrieved February 21, 2019.
10. ^'Writers receive 1959 Loeb Awards'. The New York Times. June 10, 1959. p. 75. Retrieved February 6, 2019.
11. ^'Sees commanding lead over red output'. Fort Lauderdale News. June 9, 1960. p. 9-D. Retrieved February 14, 2019 – via Newspapers.com.
12. ^Fischer, Heinze-D; Fischer, Erika J. (2003). Complete Historical Handbook of the Pulitzer Prize System 1917–2000. Part F/Volume 17. Munich: K. G. Saur. p. 80. ISBN3-598-30187-1. Retrieved February 22, 2019.
13. ^'WNET Licensing (A's)'(PDF). WNET. October 31, 2017. Retrieved February 22, 2019.
14. ^'New Century Club to hear Nate White'. The Boston Globe. CLXXXI (38) (Evening ed.). February 2, 1962. p. 6. Retrieved February 22, 2019.
15. ^ ^ab'White to give lecture'. The Post-Star. 70 (157). June 6, 1974. p. 17. Retrieved February 22, 2019.
16. ^'Churches schedule guest speakers'. Sunday Journal and Star. 103 (103). December 2, 1973. p. 11E. Retrieved February 22, 2019.
17. ^White, Nathan Ridgway (November 17, 1971). 'The Continuity of Good'. cslectures.org. Retrieved February 22, 2019.
18. ^'United States Census, 1940,' database with images, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:K9Q7-S12 : 14 March 2018), Nathaniel R White, Tract 6E, Berkeley, Oakland Judicial Township, Alameda, California, United States; citing enumeration district (ED) 1-156, sheet 62A, line 21, family, Sixteenth Census of the United States, 1940, NARA digital publication T627. Records of the Bureau of the Census, 1790 - 2007, RG 29. Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, 2012, roll 190.
19. ^ ^ab'Find A Grave Index,' database, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:QVG8-T9D7 : 11 July 2016), Mary Lowndes White, 2000; Burial, Flint, Genesee, Michigan, United States of America, Glenwood Cemetery; citing record ID 118288428, Find a Grave, http://www.findagrave.com.
20. ^'Florida Death Index, 1877-1998,' database, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:VVJV-R4R : 25 December 2014), Nathaniel Ridgeway White, 25 Apr 1984; from 'Florida Death Index, 1877-1998,' index, Ancestry (www.ancestry.com : 2004); citing vol., certificate number 39212, Florida Department of Health, Office of Vital Records, Jacksonville.

There’s a popular portrait of a “Trump voter.” He’s a white man without a college degree, and so loyal that he would stick by Mr. Trump no matter what.

There’s a reason the stereotype exists: Mr. Trump’s strength among white working-class voters, particularly men, put him over the top in the decisive battleground states in 2016. And his approval ratings have been extremely steady, despite a year of controversial tweets and policy decisions. But it’s not the whole story.

Compare your perceptions with reality by answering two questions about the Trump coalition and how it has changed since the 2016 election:

Question 1

What percent of Trump’s voters were white and did not have a college degree?

White voters without a college degree as a share of a candidate’s voters:

Question 2

What percent of people who voted for Trump report having “warm” or “very warm” feelings toward him in 2018?

Share of Trump voters who reported having “warm” or “very warm” feelings toward Mr. Trump

These questions reveal two overlooked aspects of the Trump electorate.

Yes, white voters without a college degree shifted decisively from Barack Obama to Donald J. Trump in 2016. But these voters actually made up only a slightly larger share of Mr. Trump’s coalition than they did of the previous three Republican nominees’ coalitions.

And while Mr. Trump has a large and resilient base of supporters, a sizable share had reservations when they cast their ballots for him and continue to have reservations about him today. A small but meaningful number of his voters, particularly women, appear to have soured on him since the election.

Understanding the breadth of Mr. Trump’s coalition is important to understanding the Republican Party’s position heading into the 2018 midterms. Mr. Trump’s most enthusiastic supporters were vital to his victory in the primary, and Obama-Trump voters in old industrial towns were decisive in the general election. But the midterms could be decided by voters at the edge of Mr. Trump’s coalition and of the public's imagination: stereotype-defying female, college-educated or nonwhite Trump supporters, who are somewhat likelier to harbor reservations about the president. They may have been reluctant to back him, but they were still essential to his 2016 victory and are essential to the G.O.P.’s chances today.

This more nuanced picture emerges from a survey of validated voters on Pew’s American Trends Panel, a representative sample of American adults who agreed to take Pew surveys every month. The panel allows a rare, direct measurement of how voters have shifted over time.

Pew asked panelists how they voted in November 2016, and the responses were matched to voter records that indicate whether a panelist actually cast a ballot. It’s a big advantage over typical polls, which struggle to distinguish shifts in public opinion from the effect of a new set of respondents in each poll. It offers perhaps the clearest picture yet of who supported Mr. Trump and how his voters feel about him today.

Trump’s voters are demographically similar to Mitt Romney’s

If you want to understand why Mr. Trump won the presidency, there’s one big reason: white voters without a college degree. They put Mr. Trump over the top in disproportionately white working-class battleground states where Mr. Obama fared relatively well, like Pennsylvania, Wisconsin and Michigan.

But Mr. Trump’s supporters aren’t monolithic. Nor is his coalition necessarily dominated by the groups that broke most strongly for him.

Just 33 percent of Mr. Trump’s supporters were white men without a college degree. A majority of Mr. Trump’s supporters defy the stereotype: They were either women, nonwhite or college graduates (or some combination of those).

Over all, 47 percent of Mr. Trump’s voters were women. And though he struggled among affluent college-educated whites for a Republican, he still won 44 percent of voters making more than $150,000 per year, according to the Pew data, and nearly 40 percent of college-educated white voters.

Perhaps surprisingly, Mr. Trump’s voters were about as likely as the supporters of other recent Republican nominees to hold a college degree.

How did the number of white working-class Republican voters stay so constant? Republicans have been winning a progressively larger share of white voters without a degree, but the group is shrinking over all. The result is that the two trends have basically canceled each other out.

At the same time, Republicans have lost ground among college-educated and nonwhite voters, but those groups have been growing as a share of the electorate. So oddly, a room full of Trump voters would be similar to a room full of George W. Bush voters, at least based on their race and education.

A room full of Democrats, on the other hand, would look a lot different. The party is doing increasingly well among growing portions of the electorate, and worse among the shrinking number of white working-class voters. Over all for Democrats, white voters without a degree have fallen from 43 percent of John Kerry’s voters to 26 percent of Hillary Clinton’s.

Composition of Democratic Presidential Coalitions

The shift among college-educated white voters was particularly sharp, and the Pew data is one of the strongest pieces of evidence indicating that Mrs. Clinton did far better among this group than initially believed. In the Pew data, she carried college-educated white voters by 17 percentage points, a huge shift from 2012, when Mitt Romney won that group.

It’s a very different story from the exit polls, which showed Mr. Trump winning college-educated white voters. There’s little doubt that the exit polls were wrong. Virtually all other survey data, along with the precinct-level election results, suggest that Mrs. Clinton won college-educated white voters and probably by a big margin.

The Trump voters most likely to stop supporting him: Women and the college-educated

There has been little change in President Trump’s approval rating in the last 18 months, and so it’s often assumed that nothing can erode his base of support. The Pew data suggests it’s not so simple.

Yes, nearly half of Mr. Trump’s voters have exceptionally warm views toward him: 45 percent rated their feeling toward him as a 90 or higher out of 100, a figure that is virtually unchanged since his election. But a meaningful number of his voters had reservations about him in November 2016, and even more Trump voters held a neutral or negative view of him in March.

Over all, 18 percent of Mr. Trump’s voters gave him a rating of 50 or less, on a scale of 0 (coldest) to 100 (warmest), up from 13 percent in November 2016.

It is worth noting that the November 2016 Pew survey was taken after Mr. Trump won the presidency, at the height of his post-election honeymoon. But even when you consider the slightly lower ratings voters gave him in the months before the election, the big picture is the same: A modest number of Mr. Trump’s voters didn’t like him that much then, and don’t like him much now.

Women, and especially college-educated women, are the likeliest Trump voters to have serious reservations about him in 2018: A striking 14 percent of the college-educated women who voted for him hold a very cold impression of him, up from just 1 percent in November 2016.

How Voters for Trump Have Changed Their Feelings Toward Him

Very

cold

Men without

a college degree

86%

March 2018

7

38% of Trump’s voters

Post-election

11

83

5

Women without

a college degree

90

March 2018

18

33% of Trump’s voters

Post-election

16

March 2018

12

38% of Trump’s voters

Neutral or

Nate White Writer From England

somewhat cold

Post-election

12

89

4

15% of Trump’s voters

Neutral or

somewhat cold

Post-election

11

83

5

33% of Trump’s voters

Neutral or

somewhat cold

Post-election

8

77

6

14% of Trump’s voters

Neutral or

somewhat cold

Post-election

16

74

14

Will the Trump coalition show up in 2018?

The resilience of Mr. Trump’s winning coalition gives Republicans a chance to hold Congress, even in a midterm election year when the president’s overall approval rating is well beneath 50 percent. It helps explain why he has retained almost unified support from Republican members of Congress despite his unorthodox stances on trade and Russia.

But while it’s clear that most of Mr. Trump’s supporters stand by him, there are big questions about whether they’ll be as helpful to Republicans in 2018 as they were to him in 2016.

Mr. Trump’s coalition was enough to win a presidential election in large part because white working-class voters were overrepresented in the presidential battleground states. That’s not so true in the most vulnerable Republican-held House districts.

At the same time, white voters without a college degree typically turn out in smaller numbers in midterm elections. And turnout among college-educated voters has been unusually high in special and general elections held since Mr. Trump won the presidency.

Nate White British Author

If the patterns hold, the combination of a better-educated battleground and lower turnout among less educated voters could mean that House control is decided in districts where college-educated voters make up around 47 percent of voters, rather than the 34 percent share of such voters in Pennsylvania, Wisconsin and Michigan in 2016, according to Upshot estimates based on census data.

Mr. Trump’s most fervent supports might stick with him through November and beyond. But in the midterms, Republicans will have the burden of fighting in many districts where the base might not be enough.

Composition of the 2016 electorate